Robert Mugabe and Ian Smith

Robert Mugabe and Ian Smith



Ian Douglas Smith (born April 8, 1919) was the Premier of the British Crown Colony of Southern Rhodesia from April 13, 1964 to November 11, 1965 and the Prime Minister of Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) from November 11, 1965 to June 1June 1 is the 152nd day of the year in the Gregorian calendar (153rd in leap years), with 213 days remaining. Events 193 Roman Emperor Marcus Didius is assassinated in his palace. 1485 Matthias of Hungary took Vienna in his conquest of Austria (from Frede, 1979Events January-February January 1 Sino-American relations: United States and the People's Republic of China establish diplomatic relations January 4 State of Ohio agrees to pay $675,000 to families of dead and injured in Kent State University shootings., when Rhodesia was ruled by the white minority.

He was born in Selukwe (now Shurugwi ) and educated in Gwelo (now GweruGweru (spelled Gwelo until 1982) is a city in Zimbabwe. Geographical location 19° 25' South, 29° 50' East. Population 78,940 (1982). The city was founded in 1894 by Dr. Leander Starr Jameson. Former Rhodesian prime minister Ian Smith was born in the city.) and at the Rhodes UniversityRhodes University is one of South Africa's oldest and most famous university institutions. The university is situated in Grahamstown in the Eastern Cape Province of South Africa. The town is famous for its numerous churches as well as its hosting of the N in South AfricaSouth Africa is a republic at the southern tip of Africa. It is bordered to the north by Namibia, Botswana and Zimbabwe, to the north-east by Mozambique and Swaziland. Lesotho is contained entirely inside the borders of South Africa. South Africa is one o. He served with the Royal Air ForceThe Royal Air Force (often abbreviated to RAF is the air force of the United Kingdom. History Formation and Early History The Royal Flying Corps was formed by Royal Warrant on May 13, 1912 superseding the Air Battalion of the Royal Engineers. The Royal Na (RAF) during World War II. He returned home to finish his degree and then bought a farm in Selukwe. He became active in politics from 1948, first with the Southern Rhodesia Liberals, then the United Federal Party. In 1962 he was one of the founders of the Rhodesian Front (RF).

The RF won a slim majority in the 1962 elections and formed a government. In April 1964 Smith was appointed leader of the Rhodesian Front, replacing Winston Field, as Premier of Southern Rhodesia.

Smith was staunchly opposed to Britain's insistence that he prepare to transfer political control of the colony to the black majority, at one point stating that there would be no black majority rule in his lifetime. Smith always maintained, however, that there was no constitutional inhibitor to blacks entering the political process; some racially-based constitutional barriers did in fact exist, however, but were justified by the Rhodesian government as preventative measures against terrorism.

Smith issued a Unilateral Declaration of Independence on November 11, 1965. The British colony of Southern Rhodesia became a sovereign state, a move Smith believed would finally free the nation from Britain's constant meddling. This brought widespread international condemnation, and even the apartheid government in South Africa, although sympathetic and privately supportive, was anxious to avoid sharing in the international condemnation of Rhodesia and did not officially recognise the new state. In 1974, B.J. Vorster, the Prime Minister of South Africa, forced Smith to accept in principle that white minority rule could not continue indefinitely.

The numerous international sanctions that were imposed eventually proved too difficult for the new country to withstand, though Smith earned praise from his supporters for lasting as long as he did. In 1979 Smith agreed to hold multi-racial elections. Following the elections, Rhodesia was re-named Zimbabwe Rhodesia and Bishop Abel Muzorewa was elected as the country's first black Prime Minister. Smith became minister without portfolio in the new government. However, the civil war waged by Mugabe and Nkomo continued unabated, and the British Government persuaded all parties to come to Lancaster House under Lord Carrington in September 1979 to work out a lasting agreement.

Elections were held again in 1980, and despite being held under international supervision were widely condemned by many as having been fraudulent. Robert Mugabe defeated Muzorewa, and Smith became Leader of the Opposition, as leader of the newly re-named Republican Front . In the years that followed, Smith's support among the white minority increasingly eroded, as many white parliamentarians who had previously belonged to his party changed their allegiances to support Prime Minister Mugabe. In the 1985 election, however, Smith managed to recapture 15 of the 20 parliamentary seats that were reserved for whites. Mugabe, angered and threatened by Smith's strong showing, moved to abolish the reserved seats two years later. Smith retired to his farm in Shurugwi , his political career of 39 years over.

Since his retirement, Smith has remained an outspoken critic of the Mugabe regime. Now in his eighties, Ian Smith has reentered the political fray by joining the Movement for Democratic Change, an opposition party seeking to end Mugabe's 24-year rule. He has written an autobiography, The Great Betrayal, which is as much an attack on the Mugabe regime as a memoir of his own that preceded it.

Robert Mugabe Bio - Zimbabwean President

CDE Robert Gabriel Mugabe is the President and First Secretary of Zanu PF.

He was born on 21st February 1924 at Kutama Mission in Zvimba, about eighty kilometres from Zimbabwe's capital, Harare.

President Mugabe holds a BA (Fort Hare); B.Admin.,B.Ed (UNISA); BSc. Econ., LLB, LLM, MSc. Econ. (University of London); and many honarary awards.

Comrade Mugabe taught at various schools in Zimbabwe between 1942 and 1955; Chalimbana Teacher Training College in Zambia (1955 - 1958); and at St Marys Teacher Training College, Takoradi, Ghana (1958-1960).

After incarceration for more than a decade in white imperialist prisons, comrade Mugabe led, plotted and executed the liberation armed struggle that brought independence to Zimbabwe in 1980. Ever since, ZANU PF repeatedly won land slide victories in 1985, 1990, 1995, 2000, and 2005.

Convinced that Zimbabwe is not yet a fully politically and economically emancipated nation, President Mugabe continues to lead Zimbabweans in the fight against the exis of human evil perpetrated by some western govenments and their proxies under the guise of democracy, respect for the rule of law and other notions never practiced when whites invaded Zimbabwe and butchered those who resisted.

President Mugabe is a principled cadre renowned for his tanacity and dynamism. He leaves the idea of a free Zimbabwe from all forms of bondage and has vowed to cling on to Zimbabwe, the only country he knows to have, loves, incacerated for and auduously fought for.

In President Mugabe, Zimbabweans have a statesman, revolutionary, warrior and a father who has taught them not to brook any interferences from any quarter - rich or powerful when it comes to the matters of Zimbabwe.

That Zimbabwe's destiny should be curved out by the Zimbabweans themselves are the daily teachings of the legendary, revolutionary and liberation icon - President Robert Gabriel Mugabe "Gushungo".

Robert Mugabe Speech AT THE XIII NON ALIGNED MOVEMENT SUMMIT PUTRA WORLD TRADE CENTRE KUALA LUMPUR, 25 FEBRUARY 2003

SPEECH BY HIS EXCELLENCY THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF ZIMBABWE, CDE R. G. MUGABE AT THE XIII NON ALIGNED MOVEMENT SUMMIT PUTRA WORLD TRADE CENTRE KUALA LUMPUR, 25 FEBRUARY 2003


Date:25 February 2003



The Chairman of NAM and Prime Minister of Malaysia, Dato Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad, Your Majesties, Your Excellencies, Heads of State and Government, Distinguished delegates, Ladies and Gentlemen.

Let me begin by thanking our host Dato Seri Mohamad Mahathir, and through him, the people of Malaysia for the warm welcome and hospitality that has been ours to enjoy since our arrival to this dashing and beautiful city, Kuala Lumpur.

In the same spirit may I also pay tribute to our outgoing chairman, President Thabo Mbeki, for so ably steering our organisation for the past four 'years, which period was quite eventful as President Mbeki rose to the challenges of world affairs thereby giving the Non Aligned Movement (NAM) a special place in the search for solutions towards a just international order.

Zimbabwe joins others in welcoming Timor Leste and St. Vincent and the Grenadines as new members of the Non-Aligned Movement. As we grow in numbers so should we grow in our strength.

The Non Aligned Movement came into being as an instinctual and pragmatic response to an era of dangerous rivalry in global affairs. The United States and the Soviet Union were locked in a deadly race in which the safety of our world from nuclear holocaust was said to be guaranteed by the deterrent value of Mutually Assured Destruction, known more aptly as MAD. The overarching doctrine was that those who were not superpowers or associates of the superpowers were not entitled to real choices. The bipolarity yielded the impulsion that you had to belong either to the United States or to the Soviet Union camp. Our Founding Fathers however resisted that impulsion and refused to join either of the camps opting for neutrality as they established the Non Aligned Movement which they based on the sound permanent values and moral norms that should govern international relations.

Today, however, we find ourselves in a new era of unipolarity constituting a portentous juncture in the history of our Movement characterised by unilateralism -cum-hegemonism, supported by an interventionist military doctrine that bids the more powerful to impose their will on those who, like many of us, are weak. Colonialism now assumes a varied form, and seeks to garner in all of us of the Third World as we get globally villagised under false economic pretences. We are cheated to believe that we shall all be equals in that village, but are denied to assume military strength of the same magnitude as that of the western and more highly developed States. We dare not develop nuclear arms for this is a prerogative of only the big ones. Trade between rich and poor must be free and uninhibited, and no preferences or derogations will be tolerated in this global village governed by WTO norms. Politically our sovereignty will not have the same weight as that of big brother, and big brother has the right to determine the justice of our systems and not we his. As he likes, he can blatantly use his prejudice to determine and upset the validity of any of our elections and declare a validly elected President of a country illegitimate.

But we must remain silent about the Presidential election fiasco of the United States whose votes failed to produce a winner until the USA Supreme Court, dominated by Republican judges, imposed Mr George Bush (Jr) as winner. And is it not ironical that Mr. Bush who was not elected should deny my legitimacy established by many observer groups from Africa and the Third World? Who should the world impose sanctions on, Robert Mugabe or George Bush? The fact of power has also become, to those who hold it the determinant of justice, morality and even legality. In other words the governing norms of our World have been greatly eroded.

The United States awakened to the implications of being the sole Superpower, joined by Britain, as a born again Colonialist, and other Western countries have turned themselves into ferocious hunting bull dogs raring to go, as they sniff for more blood, Third World blood. We, their hunted game, are for slaughter. The Charter of the United Nations and its sacrosanct tenets of international peace, the sovereignty of nations and non interference in domestic affairs of States, are being desecrated by the day. Listen to the Voice of America, I mean the voice of President as captured by television media, and you will no doubt conclude that he is no longer willing to subject the actions of his Administration to international law, rationality or the force of morality. Iraq might have developed or desired to develop arms of mass destruction. But the United States has massive arms of that magnitude. Why can't the United States demonstrate what Iraq should by destroying their own massive heaps first? They should surely teach by example, and yet they have refused even to sign the treaty on nuclear disarmament. To support the U.S. Administration's zest for aggression on Iraq is to support a proposed inhuman campaign which is sure to see many many lives lost.

Bush and Blair have, apparently developed similar warlike dispositions deriving from similar ideologies of new imperialism. Opinion makers like former Security Advisor to President Carter, Mr Brzezinski have spoken and written freely about a new imperial power. I quote Brzezinski directly to bring out the point:

"Unlike earlier empires, this vast complex global system is not a hierarchical pyramid rather America stands at the center of an interlocking universe, one in which power is exercised through continuous bargaining, dialogue, diffusion, and quest for formal consensus, even though that power originates from a single source, namely, Washington, D.C. and that is where the power game has to be played, and played according to America's domestic rules."

Brzezinski states further:

"In addition, one must consider as part of the American system the global web of specialized organisations, especially the "international" financial institutions. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank can be said to represent "global" interests, and their constituency may be construed as the world. In reality, however, they are heavily American dominated and their origins are traceable to American initiative..."

When we think about it, the philosophy that Brzezinski elaborates in his book titled The Grand Chessboard: American Primacy and its Geostrategic Imperatives, should not unduly surprise us. Now Brzezinski also talks openly about American domination in the military, economic, technological and cultural spheres, and exposes a strategy that has been pursued methodically and relentlessly for some time now.

Emboldened by the conviction that the North Atlantic Grouping gained a geo political advantage at the end of the Cold War, Blair's close policy adviser, Mr. Robert Cooper, argues for what he terms a "New liberal imperialism" which asserts that,

"The most logical way to deal with chaos, and the most often employed in the past, is colonization. But colonization is unacceptable to post modern states (and, as it happens, to some modern states too). It is precisely because of the death of imperialism that we are seeing the emergence of the pre-modern world."

Robert Cooper goes on:

"What is needed then is a new kind of imperialism, one acceptable to a world of human Rights and cosmopolitan values. We can already discern its outline: an imperialism which, like all imperialism, aims to bring order and organisation."

Again he continues,

"The challenge of postmodern world is to get used to the idea of double standards. Among ourselves (i.e. the West) we operate on the basis of laws and often cooperative security. But when dealing with more old fashioned kinds of states outside the postmodern continent of Europe, we need to revert to the rougher methods of an earlier era, force, preemptive attack, deception, whatever is necessary..."

Who after reading this Blair philosophy would be surprised by his irrational actions on Zimbabwe? He desires and is determined to undermine the sovereignty of my country and introduce neo colonialist rule. That we shall never allow him to achieve, and I want to take this opportunity to thank you for your consistent support and solidarity with Zimbabwe.

But against these enormous challenges, which confront us we should not hesitate to take bold and far reaching measures, which seek to revitalise our movement, tinkering on the margin will just not do. We need a permanent secretariat for institutional memory, implementation of our decisions and for constant and timeous articulation between Summits. If we are serious about our movement and if we want also to be taken seriously, we cannot continue to manage our affairs on an ad hoc or part time basis. It is time we put our money where our mouth is.

I thank you.

President Mugabe's speech to Zimbabwe's 7th Parliament

The following is the full text of a speech by President Robert Mugabe at the opening of the First Session of Zimbabwe's Seventh Parliament on Tuesday, August 26, 2008:



Madam President of the Senate, Mr Speaker Sir,
Senators and Members of the House of Assembly,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Comrades and Friends.
I welcome you all to this First Session of the Seventh Parliament of Zimbabwe.
This First Session takes place in the aftermath, and is indeed the logical outcome, of the country's historic harmonised elections. The elections were premised on Constitutional Amendment No. 18 as well as amendments to AIPPA, POSA and the Broadcasting Services Act which were agreed to by all the parties and were unanimously passed by both Houses of Parliament.

This occurrence is highly instructive in reminding us that through constructive mutual engagement and by putting the country first, we can, as Zimbabweans, address problems and challenges on our own. The new dispensation of collaboration across the political divide should now see us single-mindedly devoting our energies towards the recovery of our economy.

Let me pay particular and special tribute to President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa for his outstanding role as mediator of the Sadc-initiated inter-party dialogue. He has been at it with the patience and endurance of the biblical Job, often against all-round revilement from well-known quarters that have never wanted peace for this land.

Through his mediatory efforts, landmark agreements have been concluded, with every expectation that everyone will sign up to the agreement paving way for an all-inclusive Government.

I wish to pay tribute to all Zimbabweans for having exercised their democratic right in our recent elections in a peaceful manner, notwithstanding the regrettable and isolated cases of political violence, which were witnessed in the run-up to the presidential election run-off.

Happily, all political parties in the country have acknowledged culpability in this violence, itself an important step towards putting behind us the odious habit of election-related violence.

I also congratulate all the members of this new Parliament on having won the mandate to represent the various constituencies. In doing so, I acknowledge the inordinate delay in opening this session of Parliament, hoping you will all appreciate that the delays owed to a praiseworthy search for peace and greater amity for our nation.

Madam President, Mr Speaker, Sir,

The elections are now behind us. What currently is upon us is the challenge of a common vision and effort. The era of specialists who are heavy on critiques and empty on prescriptions is gone. Now is the time for us to put Zimbabwe first, and challenging the many things that stifle our potential and trammel our energies.

Foremost in this regard are the much-reviled illegal sanctions imposed by Britain and her allies, which seek to subvert the will of the Zimbabwean people. These must go. They cannot last a day longer if we, as true Zimbabweans speak against them in deafening unison.

Surely, sanctions cannot be good for any Zimbabwean, and we have abundant evidence of their ravaging impact. We cannot need democracy and condone such blatant spiteful injury at the same time.

We are deeply indebted to Sadc, the African Union, members of the Non-Aligned Movement, our allies in the United Nations Security Council, and other progressive peoples of the world, for their invaluable support and solidarity with us, in the face of the vicious onslaught on Zimbabwe by Britain and the United State of America. We cherish their brotherly advice and support, and pledge that we will not let them down.

Madam President, Mr Speaker Sir.

The current global food shortage and the consequent price escalations, are a powerful reminder to us of the need for concerted efforts to enhance food security at both the household and national levels. This past season saw our agricultural yields sharply reduced owing to a combination of floods, drought and shortage of inputs.

As always, Government has done its best to ensure that no one starved. Already, a massive programme for the importation of maize from neighbouring countries, notably South Africa, is underway. So is the procurement of locally available maize.

Regrettably, we have noticed the destructive hand of our enemies seeking to undermine our grain importation programme, in the process, pushing up regional food prices. Indeed, food is the latest of their weapons in their regime change agenda.

It is, however, not prudent that we should continue to subsist on food imports. Our efforts are thus being focused on empowering our farmers for greater crop production. Facilities such as the Farm Mechanisation Programme, the Agricultural Support Productivity Enhancement Facility (ASPEF), and the introduction of the Input Pack Support Programme for rural farmers should go a long way in meeting this objective.

These efforts will be complemented by the introduction of an appropriate agricultural commodity-pricing regime, designed to stimulate production. Furthermore, the local fertilizer industry is being supported with foreign currency in order to boost production, while projected shortfalls will be met from imports.

Government will also spearhead implementation of the targeted production of strategic crops. This programme will involve the provision of tillage; seeds, fertilizer, chemicals and harvesting support to identified farmers, who will be required to produce to set targets.

Madam President, Mr Speaker, Sir,

On a broader level, our economy continues to face challenges associated with the hyper-inflationary environment. These range from shortages of basic and essential commodities, foreign currency, fuel and power, as well as declining quality of infrastructure. This negative state of affairs is further compounded by the prevalence of speculative and profiteering tendencies as well as in-built price misalignments in the economy. We have also detected an insidious foreign hand in the destabilisation of our currency.

Government, in conjunction with the other critical stakeholders is embarking on a short- term bridging economic stabilisation programme. The programme seeks, among other things, to encourage price stability, introduce appropriate currency reforms, boost availability of basic and essential commodities, boost the availability of foreign currency, enhance food security, aggressively embark on infrastructure development as well as revamping service delivery by public utilities.

Targeted subsidies will be introduced to cushion vulnerable social groups from the anticipated adverse effects of the pricing reforms, while greater emphasis shall be on combating endemic corruption and wanton indiscipline that is so pervasive in the economy.

The initiatives I have referred to need to be complemented by enhanced fiscal prudence. Accordingly, the Public Finance Management Bill, which is designed to minimise misappropriation and mismanagement of public funds, shall be tabled before this august House. In addition, the Audit Bill, which should enhance accountability in the audit process and eliminate inherent limitations in the current Audit and Exchequer Act, will be introduced during this session.

Madam President, Mr Speaker, Sir,

In the energy and power sector, the shortage of foreign currency has contributed to minimal maintenance of power supply infrastructure, a situation which explains frequent breakdowns and unscheduled power cuts currently being experienced.

However, the agreement signed between Government and NamPower of Namibia for the refurbishment of the Hwange Power Station will go a long way in redressing this undesirable state of affairs.

Already, this has seen the completion of Unit 1 of the station, while work on the other three units is expected to be complete by October 2008. The Energy Laws Amendment Bill, which seeks to facilitate the harmonisation of the energy sector, shall be brought to Parliament during this session.

With regard to fuel, the supply of the product continues to be constrained by the shortage of funding, coupled with the unprecedented rise in oil prices on the world market. This situation demands that we reorient our mindset and reduce the ostensible careless consumption of fuel.

For this reason, innovative measures such as the fuel conservation programme, promotion of bio-fuels production, and the resuscitation of blending of petrol with ethanol, are being implemented, while the exploration of solar and coal-bed methane gas as alternative energy sources is being accelerated.

I am pleased to note that the production of fuel-grade ethanol at Triangle has already started, while the Crude Oil Agreement with the Equatorial Guinea, which had expired, has been renewed.

Measures to curb the current upsurge in cases of vandalisation of public utilities infrastructure must be strengthened. Service delivery by TelOne, NetOne, Zesa and the National Railways of Zimbabwe, has been compromised, in some cases severely.

Accordingly, Government is establishing co-ordinated security structures incorporating local communities and other relevant stakeholders for purposes of safeguarding public infrastructure. The levels of such unlawful activities require a reclassification of the crime. It now has to be viewed as economic sabotage.

Madam President, Mr Speaker, Sir,

The empowerment of the formerly deprived indigenous majority of our people is the centre piece of our development efforts. Now that the National Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment Act, which provides for the acquisition of at least 51 percent shares in every public company and any other strategic businesses by indigenous persons is law, implementation of the empowerment policy shall be pursued with renewed vigour on a sector by sector basis.

However, to facilitate implementation, some amendments of the Act will have to be brought to this Parliament during this season. The amendments will, among other things, empower the relevant minister to prescribe what constitutes a strategic company or sector, the timeframe for compliance with the Act, and the approval format for indigenisation arrangements.

This development will also facilitate expeditious tabling of the Mines and Minerals Amendment Bill in Parliament, which seeks to broaden participation in the sector by indigenous players.

Madam President, Mr Speaker, Sir,

Government will also press ahead with the implementation of initiatives to promote the growth and development of the small and medium enterprises sector. One such initiative is the US$5 million grant availed under the Indo-Zimbabwe Project, in terms of which machinery and equipment have been availed to assist the designing and manufacturing processes in the sector.

Under the same project, SMEs Technology Centres have been established at the Harare Institute of Technology, in Bulawayo and Chitungwiza. Other such common service facilities will be established at growth points throughout the country.

However, to guarantee sustainable development of the sector, it is necessary to create a conducive regulatory and operating framework. To this end, the Small and Medium Enterprises Bill shall be brought to Parliament during this session.

Madam President, Mr Speaker Sir,

Whereas as a country we have made tremendous strides in the education sector, there is still need to ensure that our education remains globally competitive as well as relevant to national needs. This is consistent with our goal to become a knowledge-driven and globally competitive economy.

Accordingly, the Zimbabwe Qualifications Authority Bill, which seeks to integrate and harmonise qualifications, and superintend the development and registration of national qualification standards, will be brought before this august House.

The Bill will also seek to align the Zimbabwe Qualifications Framework to the proposed Sadc Regional Framework of Qualifications and Quality Assurance Systems. The Education Act shall also be amended to provide a more sustainable basis for pegging school fees.

Madam, President, Mr Speaker, Sir,

Health service delivery continues to be constrained by the shortage of essential drugs, equipment, food, transport and skilled personnel. It is, however, pleasing to note that steady progress is being registered in addressing these challenges. For instance, the introduction of a generic training programme has ensured that there is at least one trained nurse at every health facility. The training shall be scaled up to achieve a full complement of staff at the health centre level and in laboratory and X-ray services.

Staff retention in the sector is set to be enhanced through incentives such as the provision of affordable transport and housing under the recently launched Medical Skills Retention Scheme. Government is also pursuing arrangements for the local manufacture of affordable drugs, while the sector is being prioritised in terms of foreign currency allocation.

It is, however, noted with concern that efforts to promote sanitation, health and hygiene continue to be undermined by the persistent erratic water supply situation, especially in major urban areas. To address this challenge, steps are being taken to build the requisite capacity in Zinwa.

I am pleased to note that Government has already taken delivery of considerable quantities of the required equipment and machinery procured from China. Installation of the equipment is already in progress, as a result of which some improvement in water and sewer pumping is already evident in parts of Harare.

The District Development Fund, in conjunction with Zinwa, is carrying out a borehole sinking and rehabilitation programme in some parts of our urban areas, while work will continue in mobilising funding for the procurement of the much-needed water treatment chemicals.

Madam, President, Mr Speaker, Sir,

The shortage of coal for tobacco curing has resulted in increased deforestation on farms. To reverse this negative trend, Government shall come up with regulations that compel tobacco farmers to grow woodlots for purposes of tobacco curing.

Furthermore, in the area of environmental management, Government will, during this session, bring for consideration by Parliament the Ramsar Convention on Wetlands, the Basal Convention on Transboundary Hazardous Waste, the Rotterdam Convention on Chemicals and Pesticides in International Trade and the Bonn Convention on Migratory Species.

The phenomenal growth witnessed in the construction industry has raised the need for enhanced regulation of activities in that sector. Accordingly, this Parliament will during this session, consider the Zimbabwe Construction Industry Council Bill, which provides for the establishment of a council responsible for maintaining standards in the sector.

Madam President, Mr Speaker, Sir,

Workers across the board continue to face an acute shortage of accommodation, ever increasing transport costs and declining disposable incomes, owing to the prevailing hyperinflation. Government will continue to periodically review tax thresholds, thereby increasing workers’ disposable incomes.

To address the plight of the commuting public, increased support shall be availed towards the recapitalisation of Zupco as well as boosting the fleet of buses under the District Buses Programme.

Increased fuel allocations and waiver of duty on spares shall be extended to private transport operators. Moves by some companies to provide transport for their employees should be applauded, and indeed, encouraged.

The current harsh economic environment has also undermined the welfare of pensioners and other older persons, who now also have a huge dependants burden, owing to the unabating HIV/Aids pandemic.

Accordingly, the Older Persons Bill, which will cater for the entire welfare of older persons, shall be tabled during this session. On its part, Government has since indexed the pensions of retired civil servants to the salaries of serving members so as to improve their livelihood.

Madam President, Mr Speaker, Sir.

Corruption imposes a huge cost burden on the conduct of business. As such, efforts to revive the country’s economy could remain a pipedream unless they are supported by stern and decisive action to eradicate the scourge of corruption, which has now reached alarming levels. This will have to be done sooner rather than later. There will be no sacred cows seeking to hide behind the banner of social positions or party affiliation for their venal tendencies.

Madam President, Mr Speaker Sir,

Zimbabwe, as Vice Chair of the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (Comesa) regional grouping, will be the next host of the regular Comesa Summit. Accordingly, the country has to position itself to reap from the expected benefits as well as the anticipated establishment of the Comesa Customs Union.

Following the signing of the Beira Development Corridor Agreement between Zimbabwe and Mozambique in December 2007, work is now underway to implement the identified projects. One such project is the Forbes/Machipanda One-Stop Border Post.

Concerted efforts are being made to expedite implementation of co-operation agreements with our “Look East” development partners. The agreements cover strategic sectors of the economy such as power and energy, mining, infrastructure development and agriculture.

The tractor project between the Iran Tractor Manufacturing Company (ITM Co) and the Industrial Development Corporation is set to yield tremendous benefits to Zimbabwe by way of technology and skills transfer; import cost savings and expert revenues.

On the diplomatic front, we continue to call for the reform of the United Nations, in order to render it truly representative of its broad constituency, thus providing checks against the abuse of power by those who are favoured by the current unpopular geopolitical system. The prevailing order where the stronger nations tread over the rights of smaller nations and manipulate the United Nations mechanisms with impunity constitutes a grave threat to international peace.

Zimbabwe has been a victim of this not only cynical but abusive manipulation of the UN Charter. Equally, we have seen attempts by bigger nations at destabilising world peace. Western countries must stop their unholy policy of global encroachment, which can only undermine the status quo or even re-ignite a new arms race.

In conclusion, I wish to urge all Zimbabweans to rekindle the spirit of national pride and self-belief as we strive to build a strong, united and prosperous Zimbabwe. Let us exert our full effort towards raising our country and its flag in the manner our Olympic team has done in Beijing.

I am sure you all join me in congratulating them, especially Kirsty Coventry, most heartily on that heroic performance.

I wish you fruitful deliberations and have pleasure in now declaring this First Session of the Seventh Parliament of Zimbabwe officially open.

I thank you.

Robert Mugabe Speech 2003, Geneva Switzerland, World Summit on the Information Society

SPEECH BY HIS EXCELLENCY PRESIDENT ROBERT GABRIEL MUGABE OF ZIMBABWE ON THE OCCASION OF THE WORLD SUMMIT ON THE INFORMATION SOCIETY, GENEVA, SWITZERLAND, 1OTH DECEMBER, 2003


Mr. President of the Summit,

Your Excellency Kofi Annan, Secretary-General of the United Nations,

Excellencies Heads of State and Government,
Distinguished Delegates,

Invited Guests,

Ladies and Gentlemen.

I wish, on behalf of the people and Government of Zimbabwe, to thank and pay tribute to the International Telecommunication Union (ITU) and the people and Government of Switzerland for organising and hosting this landmark Summit on the hope for and challenges of a global information society. I remain cognisant of the fact that this Summit is a culmination of a series of efforts that seek to bring into sharp focus an integral dynamic in human development, namely information, as well as the infrastructural means of its delivery, or what we have come to collectively term information and communication technologies (ICTs).

Mr. President, the new millennium boasts of dramatic technological improvements which have given rise to what is an information revolution. Time, space and distance have collapsed to create what for some is "a brave, new world", with instantaneous and simultaneous dimensions. It is a world of enormous technological leaps, a world where means have improved well beyond measure.

Yet in this new age, we continue to face basic paradoxes. The duality of development and under-development remain implacably in place as the basic and core dialectic to which there is no apparent synthesis. The rich, imperious and digital North remains on the one end of the development divide; the poor, dis-empowered, underdeveloped South remains on the other end of the divide.

Yes, for us post-colonials, we still have an aloof immigrant settler landed gentry – all-white, all-royal, all untouchable, all-western supported – pitted against a bitter, disinherited, landless, poverty-begrimed, right-less communal black majority we have vowed to empower, and in the cause of whom Zimbabwe continues to be vilified, in a country that is ours and very African and sovereign. Hence, in spite of the present global milieu of technological sophistication, we remain a modern world divided by old dichotomies and old asymmetries that make genuine calls for digital solidarity sound hollow. It is a sad, sad story of improved technological means for unimproved human ends.

Mr. President, long after we have talked about the need for information and communication technologies as tools with which to contrive the information society, we are soon to discover that receivers and computers are powered by electricity which is unavailable in a typical Third World village. Long after we have talked about connectivity, we are soon to discover that most platforms for electronic communication need basic telecommunication infrastructure which does not exist in a typical African village.

What is worse, we will discover, much to our dismay, that the poor villager we wish to turn into a fitting citizen for our information society, is in many instances unable to read and write. Where we are lucky to find the villager literate and numerate, we soon discover that he or she is not looking for a computer terminal but for a morsel of food; an antibiotic to save his dying child; a piece of land on which to eke out an existence, in short, looking for a humane society that guarantees him food, health, shelter and education.

For us, E-commerce implies growing economies trading fairly in barrier-free markets. E-education implies economies run for the people, not for the sake of enriching one or two multinational corporations. E‑health implies affordable drugs for affordable health delivery systems that can only be guaranteed by policies that are genuinely national. Yes, E-government implies a sovereign national Government that manages "Top Level Domains" within its borders and whose preoccupation are its people first and foremost. Yes, for us E‑Zimbabwe means a Zimbabwe with a sovereign people, Zimbabweans, and run by them and not by the British, Australians or Americans. This is a fundamental principle of our U.N. Charter enunciated as the right of self-determination.

Mr. President, the key to, and foundation of an information society lies in the resolution of the dilemma of development. The way to an information society is through even, fair and just development. There is no shortcut.

Today Mr. President, we seek an information society in a world shaped and divisively structured by global hierarchies of power – undiminished, hegemonic power made most arbitrary by the politics of uni-polarity that have led to circumstances of a dis-empowered U.N. system. We seek equal access to information, itself duplicitously presented as a basic human right when in fact it was commercialised and commoditised by a few rich countries a long time ago; and when it is daily managed and deployed in defence of the selfish interests of those countries.

Yes, we seek equal access to information and the control of communication technologies whose genesis in fact lies in the quest for global hegemony and dominance on the part of rich and powerful nations of the North. The ICTs that we seek to control and manage collectively are spin-offs from the same industries that gave us the awesome weapons that are now being used for the conquest, destruction and occupation of our nations. The ICTs by which we hope to build information societies are the same platforms for high‑tech espionage, the same platforms and technologies through which virulent propaganda and misinformation are peddled to de‑legitimise our just struggles against vestigial colonialism, indeed to weaken national cohesion and efforts at forging a broad Third World front against what patently is a dangerous imperial world order led by warrior states and kingdoms.

The deadly, televised spectacle of an unjust war of occupation in Iraq, based on blatant lies peddled shamelessly on monopolised media, was a dramatic example of a false and failed global information society founded on the twin aggressive impulses of shock and awe. These last two years have shown us how information and ICTs are often deployed as preludes and accompaniments to aggressing the sovereignties of poor and small nations. I say this because my country Zimbabwe continues to be a victim of such aggression, with both the United Kingdom and United States using their ICT superiority to challenge our sovereignty through hostile and malicious broadcasts calculated to foment instability and destroy the state through divisions.

Our voice has been strangled and our quest to redeem a just and natural right has, been criminalized. Today we are now very clear. Beneath the rhetoric of free press and transparency is the iniquity of hegemony. The quest for an information society should not be at the expense of our efforts towards building sovereign national societies. Our national society does not exist to serve ICTs or information. Both must be instruments that serve our society as it seeks fullness through balanced development and self-determination. Both must express themselves within the parameters of our inviolate sovereignty represented by our democratic national will which expresses itself through our national laws, our national policies and our national institutions. On this we are firm and unbending.

Instead, we should seek to use ICTs as tools that can be adopted and adapted to the construction of sovereign national societies, with clear national identities, themselves real and only durable building blocs to vibrant, diverse, just and sustainable global information society.

I thank you.

Why Vote for Robert Mugabe - Africa's Hero

Is Mugabe as strong as he was in the beginning?

Robert Mugabe in 1981

How Mugabe defeated the whites

The Rise of Robert Mugabe

Mugabe is a hero for all Africans and black people world wide:

Robert Mugabe Speech in London 1976

Robert Mugabe Speech in Harlem, New York City 9/8/2000

Prime Minister Robert Mugabe’s address to the nation on independence eve 1980

Robert Mugabe
April 17, 1980

Long live our Freedom!

The final countdown before the launching of the new State of Zimbabwe has now begun. Only a few hours from now, Zimbabwe will have become a free, independent and sovereign state, free to choose its own flight path and chart its own course to its chosen destiny.

Its people have made a democratic choice of those who as their legitimate Government, they wish to govern them and take policy decisions as to their future. This, indeed, is the meaning of the mandate my party secured through a free and fair election, conducted in the full glare of the world’s spotlight.

While my Government welcomes the mandate it has been freely given and is determined to honour it to the letter, it also accepts that the fulfillment of the tasks imposed by the mandate are only possible with the confidence, goodwill and co-operation of all of you, reinforced by the forthcoming support and encouragement of all our friends, allies, and well wishers in the international community.

The march to our national independence has been a long, arduous and hazardous one. On this march, countless lives have been lost and many sacrifices made. Death and suffering have been the prize we have been called upon to pay for the final priceless reward of freedom and national independence. May I thank all of you who have had to suffer and sacrifice for the reward we are now getting.

Tomorrow we shall be celebrating the historic event, which our people have striven for nearly a century to achieve. Our people, young and old, men and women, black and white, living and dead, are, on this occasion, being brought together in a new form of national unity that makes them all Zimbabweans.

Independence will bestow on us a new personality, a new sovereignty, a new future and perspective, and indeed a new history and a new past. Tomorrow we are being born again; born again not as individuals but collectively as a people, nay, as a viable nation of Zimbabweans. Tomorrow is thus our birthday, the birth of a great Zimbabwe, and the birth of its nation.

Tomorrow we shall cease to be men and women of the past and become men and women of the future. It’s tomorrow then, not yesterday, which bears our destiny.

As we become a new people we are called to be constructive, progressive and forever forward looking, for we cannot afford to be men of yesterday, backward-looking, retrogressive and destructive. Our new nation requires of every one of us to be a new man, with a new mind, a new heart and a new spirit.

Our new mind must have a new vision and our new hearts a new love that spurns hate, and a new spirit that must unite and not divide. This to me is the human essence that must form the core of our political change and national independence.

Henceforth, you and I must strive to adapt ourselves, intellectually and spiritually to the reality of our political change and relate to each other as brothers bound one to another by a bond of national comradeship.

If yesterday I fought as an enemy, today you have become a friend and ally with the same national interest, loyalty, rights and duties as myself. If yesterday you hated me, today you cannot avoid the love that binds you to me and me to you.

Is it not folly, therefore, that in these circumstances anybody should seek to revive the wounds and grievances of the past? The wrongs of the past must now stand forgiven and forgotten.

If ever we look to the past, let us do so for the lesson the past has taught us, namely that oppression and racism are inequities that must never again find scope in our political and social system. It could never be a correct justification that because whites oppressed us yesterday when they had power, the blacks must oppress them today because they have power. An evil remains an evil whether practiced by white against black or by black against white.

Our majority rule could easily turn into inhuman rule if we oppressed, persecuted or harassed those who do not look or think like the majority of us.

Democracy is never mob-rule. It is and should remain disciplined rule requiring compliance with the law and social rules. Our independence must thus not be construed as an instrument vesting individuals or groups with the right to harass and intimidate others into acting against their will.

It is not the right to negate the freedom of others to think and act, as they desire. I, therefore, wish to appeal to all of you to respect each other and act in promotion of national unity rather than negation of that unity.

On Independence Day, our integrated security forces will, in spite of their having only recently fought each other, be marching in step together to herald the new era of national unity and togetherness. Let this be an example of us all to follow. Indeed, let this enjoin the whole of our nation to march in perfect unison from year to year and decade to decade towards its destiny.

We have abundant mineral, agricultural and human resources to exploit and develop for which we need perfect peace. Given such peace, our endeavours to transform our society and raise our standard of living are bound to succeed.

The mineral resources lying beneath the surface of our country have hardly been scratched, nor have our agricultural and industrial resources yet fully harnessed. Now that we have peace, we must go fully out to exploit them.

We already have a sophisticated infrastructure. Our expertise is bound to increase as more and more educational and technical institutions are established to transform our skilled manpower.

The whole world is looking on us this day. Indeed, many countries in the international community are amazed at how we have so quickly and unexpectedly moved from war to peace. We have certainly won the goodwill of many countries and can confidently expect to benefit from the economic and technical aid they are able and willing to provide for us.

May I assure you that my Government is determined to bring about meaningful change to the lives of the majority of the people in the country. But I must ask you to be patient and allow my Government time to organize programmes that will effectively yield that change.

There are people without land who need land, people without jobs who need jobs, children without schools who need schools and patients without hospitals who need them.

We are also fully aware of the need for increased wages in all sectors of employment. My Government will certainly do its best to meet the existing needs in these areas. But you have to assist us by being patient and peaceful.

I now finally wish to appeal to you, wherever you are, to participate fully today and Saturday in the Independence celebrations that have been organized throughout the country.

There are, of course, those of you who have the duty to maintain essential services. These services must indeed be maintained so that the celebrations are facilitated. Maintaining such essential services during the celebrations is a significant contribution of their success.

I wish to thank Her Majesty the Queen for having sent His Royal Highness, Prince Charles, the Prince of Wales to represent her and officiate at our Independence ceremony, where he will perform the symbolic act of severing our colonial ties with Britain.

As you are aware, this historic ceremony will be witnessed by Heads of State and Government and representatives of nearly 100 countries plus representatives of several international, political and voluntary organizations. The ceremony will be also be reported and relayed to millions of people in the world by the mass media.

May I enjoin you all to regard this solemn occasion with honour and dignity, and participate in the celebrations that follow it with jubilation. Let us rejoice over our independence and recognize in it the need to dedicate ourselves to national unity, peace and progress.

I now wish to pay tribute to Lord Soames, our Governor, for the most important role he has played in successfully guiding this country to elections and independence. He was from the very onset given a difficult and most unenviable task. And yet he performed it with remarkable ability and overwhelming dignity.

I must admit that I was one of those who originally never trusted him, and yet I have now ended up not only implicitly trusting but fondly loving him as well.

He is indeed a great man through whom it has been possible within a short period I have been Prime Minister, to organize substantial financial and technical aid from Britain and other countries.

I am personally indebted to him for the advice he has constantly given me on the art of managing the affairs of Government. I shall certainly be missing a good friend and counselor, and so will our independent Zimbabwe and all its people.

I also wish to thank all our distinguished quests for the honour they have given us by coming to attend our Independence celebrations on behalf of their countries or organizations.

Their presence in our country signifies a bond of solidarity and friendship between their countries or organizations and our country.

Without the support they have given us towards our liberation, this day would never have come about. Thanks, therefore, for all the material, political, diplomatic and moral support they have given us.

Sons and daughters of Zimbabwe, I urge you to participate fully and jubilantly in our Independence celebrations and to ensure that all our visitors are well entertained and treated with utmost hospitality.

I shall be one in spirit and love, in loyalty and commitment with you all. Forward with the Year of the People’s Power!

Long live our Freedom!
Long live our Sovereignty!
Long live our Independence!

credit: Kubatana

President Robert Mugabe's speech at 62nd Session of UN General Assembly

Statement by His Excellency the President of the Republic of Zimbabwe, Comrade R. G. Mugabe, on the occasion of the 62nd Session of the United Nations General Assembly, New York, 26 September, 2007

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Last updated: 12/01/2008 17:41:42
Your Excellency, President of the 62ndSession of the United Nations General Assembly,
Mr. Srgjan Kerim,
Your Majesties,

Your Excellencies, Heads of State and Government,

Your Excellency the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Ban Ki-Moon,

Distinguished Delegates,

Ladies and Gentlemen.

Mr. President,

Allow me to congratulate you on your election to preside over this august assembly. We are confident that through your stewardship, issues on this 62nd Session agenda be dealt with in a balanced manner and to the satisfaction of all.

Let me also pay tribute to your predecessor, Madame Sheikha Haya Rashed Al Khalifa, who steered the work of the 61st Session in a very competent and impartial manner.

Her ability to identify the crucial issues facing the world today will be remembered as the hallmark of her presidency.

Mr. President,

We extend our hearty welcome to the new Secretary-General, Mr. Ban Ki-Moon, who has taken up this challenging job requiting dynamism in confronting the global challenges of the 21st Century. Balancing global interests and steering the United Nations in a direction that gives hope to the multitudes of the poor, the sick, the hungry and the marginalized, is indeed a mammoth task. We would like to assure him that Zimbabwe will continue to support an open, transparent and all-inclusive multilateral approach in dealing with these global challenges.

Mr. President,

Climate change is one of the most pressing global issues of our time. Its negative impact is greatest in developing countries, particularly those on the African continent. We believe that if the international community is going to seriously address the challenges of climate change, then we need to get our priorities right. In Zimbabwe, the effects of climate change have become more evident in the past decade as we have witnessed increased and recurrent droughts as well as occasional floods, leading to enormous humanitarian challenges.

Mr. President,

We are for a United Nations that recognises the equality of sovereign nations and peoples whether big or small. We are averse to a body in which the economically and militarily powerful behave like bullies, trampling on the rights of weak and smaller states as sadly happened in Iraq. In the light of these inauspicious developments, this Organisation must surely examine the essence of its authority and the extent of its power when challenged in this manner.

Such challenges to the authority of the UN and its Charter underpin our repeated call for the revitalisation of the United Nations General Assembly, itself the most representative organ of the UN. The General Assembly should be more active in all areas including those of peace and security. The encroachment of some U.N. organs upon the work of the General Assembly is of great concern to us. Thus any process of revitalizing or strengthening of the General Assembly should necessarily avoid eroding the principle of the accountability of all principal and subsidiary organs to the General Assembly.

Mr. President,

Once again we reiterate our position that the Security Council as presently constituted is not democratic. In its present configuration, the Council has shown that it is not in a position to protect the weaker states who find themselves at loggerheads with a marauding super-power. Most importantly, justice demands that any Security Council reform redresses the fact that Africa is the only continent without a permanent seat and veto power in the Security Council. Africa's demands are known and enunciated in the Ezulwini consensus.

Mr. President,

We further call for the U.N. system to refrain from interfering in matters that are clearly the domain of member states and are not a threat to international peace and security. Development at country level should continue to be country-led, and not subject to the whims of powerful donor states.

Mr President,

Zimbabwe won its independence on 18th April, 1980, after a protracted war against British colonial imperialism which denied us human rights and democracy. That colonial system which suppressed and oppressed us enjoyed the support of many countries of the West who were signatories to the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

Even after 1945, it would appear that the Berlin Conference of 1884, through which Africa was parcelled to colonial European powers, remained stronger than the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It is therefore clear that for the West, vested economic interests, racial and ethnocentric considerations proved stronger than their adherence to principles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

The West still negates our sovereignties by way of control of our resources, in the process making us mere chattels in out own lands, mere minders of its trans-national interests. In my own country and other sister states in Southern Africa, the most visible form of this control has been over land despoiled from us at the onset of British colonialism.

That control largely persists, although it stands firmly challenged in Zimbabwe, thereby triggering the current stand-off between us and Britain, supported by her cousin states, most notably the United States and Australia. Mr Bush, Mr. Blair and now Mr Brown's sense of human rights precludes our people's right to their God-given resources, which in their view must be controlled by their kith and kin. I am termed dictator because I have rejected this supremacist view and frustrated the neo-colonialists.

Mr President,

Clearly the history of the struggle for out own national and people's rights is unknown to the president of the United States of America. He thinks the Declaration of Human Rights starts with his last term in office! He thinks she can introduce to us, who bore the brunt of fighting for the freedoms of our peoples, the virtues of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. What rank hypocrisy!

Mr President,

I lost eleven precious years of my life in the jail of a white man whose freedom and well- being I have assured from the first day of Zimbabwe's Independence. I lost a further fifteen years fighting white injustice in my country.

Ian Smith is responsible for the death of well over 50 000 of my people. I bear scars of his tyranny which Britain and America condoned. I meet his victims everyday. Yet he walks free. He farms free. He talks freely, associates freely under a black Government. We taught him democracy. We gave him back his humanity.

He would have faced a different fate here and in Europe if the 50 000 he killed were Europeans. Africa has not called for a Nuremberg trial against the white world which committed heinous crimes against its own humanity. It has not hunted perpetrators of this genocide, many of whom live to this day, nor has it got reparations from those who offended against it. Instead it is Africa which is in the dock, facing trial from the same world that persecuted it for centuries.

Let Mr. Bush read history correctly. Let him realise that both personally and in his representative capacity as the current President of the United States, he stands for this "civilisation" which occupied, which colonised, which incarcerated, which killed. He has much to atone for and very little to lecture us on the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. His hands drip with innocent blood of many nationalities.

He still kills.

He kills in Iraq. He kills in Afghanistan. And this is supposed to be out master on human rights?

He imprisons.

He imprisons and tortures at Guantanamo. He imprisoned and tortured at Abu Ghraib. He has secret torture chambers in Europe. Yes, he imprisons even here in the United States, with his jails carrying more blacks than his universities can ever enroll. He even suspends the provisions of the Universal Declaration on Human Rights. Take Guantanamo for example; at that concentration camp international law does not apply. The national laws of the people there do not apply. Laws of the United States of America do not apply. Only Bush's law applies. Can the international community accept being lectured by this man on the provisions of the universal declaration of human rights? Definitely not!

Mr President, We are alarmed that under his leadership, basic rights of his own people and those of the rest of the world have summarily been rolled back. America is primarily responsible for rewriting core tenets of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. We seem all guilty for 9/11. Mr. Bush thinks he stands above all structures of governance, whether national or international.

At home, he apparently does not need the Congress. Abroad, he does not need the UN, international law and opinion. This forum did not sanction Blair and Bush's misadventures in Iraq. The two rode roughshod over the UN and international opinion. Almighty Bush is now corning back to the UN for a rescue package because his nose is bloodied! Yet he dares lecture us on tyranny. Indeed, he wants us to pray him! We say No to him and encourage him to get out of Iraq. Indeed he should mend his ways before he clambers up the pulpit to deliver pieties of democracy.

Mr President,

The British and the Americans have gone on a relentless campaign of destabilising and vilifying my country. They have sponsored surrogate forces to challenge lawful authority in my country. They seek regime change, placing themselves in the role of the Zimbabwean people in whose collective will democracy places the right to define and change regimes.

Let these sinister governments be told here and now that Zimbabwe will not allow a regime change authored by outsiders. We do not interfere with their own systems in America and Britain. Mr Bush and Mr Brown have no role to play in our national affairs. They are outsiders and mischievous outsiders and should therefore keep out! The colonial sun set a long time ago; in 1980in the case of Zimbabwe, and hence Zimbabwe will never be a colony again. Never!

We do not deserve sanctions. We are Zimbabweans and we know how to deal with our problems. We have done so in the past, well before Bush and Brown were known politically. We have our own regional and continental organizations and communities.

In that vein, I wish to express my country's gratitude to President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa who, on behalf of SADC, successfully facilitated the dialogue between the Ruling Party and the Opposition Parties, which yielded the agreement that has now resulted in the constitutional provisions being finally adopted. Consequently, we will be holding multiple democratic elections in March 2008. Indeed we have always had timeous general and presidential elections since our independence.

Mr. President,

In conclusion, let me stress once more that the strength of the United Nations lies in its universality and impartiality as it implements its mandate to promote peace and security, economic and social development, human rights and international law as outlined in the Charter. Zimbabwe stands ready to play its part in all efforts and programmes aimed at achieving these noble goals.

I thank you.